The Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss <p><strong>ISSN: 2958-7409 (Online) ISSN: 1024-0829 (Print)</strong></p> <p><strong>AIM and Objectives</strong></p> <p>The Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences aims to advance theoretical and applied research in social sciences and humanities. The journal represents a multi-disciplinary effort to integrate various disciplines into a coherent body of knowledge. The journal seeks to provide a forum for interdisciplinary approaches and research traditions. It espouses a national and international perspective that gives voice to inter disciplinary research and scholars in Pakistan and in all regions of the world.</p> <p>The Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences (JHSS), a refereed and internationally indexed journal is <strong>recognised by HEC in ‘Y’ category.</strong> The Journal is published biannually by the Faculty of Arts and Humanities, University of Peshawar, with the approval of the competent authority. </p> <p><strong>SCOPE OF THE JOURNAL</strong></p> <p>Contributions are welcome from all fields of Arts &amp; Humanities and Social Sciences. The typical topics include, but are not limited to, the following fields: Anthropology, English, Management Sciences, Education, Journalism, Economics, Geography, Gender Studies, Psychology, Political Science, Philosophy, Peace &amp; Conflict Studies, Sociology and Social Work. </p> <p> </p> en-US jhss@uop.edu.pk (Prof. Dr. Faizullah Jan) salahuddin@uop.edu.pk (Salah Ud Din) Mon, 02 Dec 2024 05:35:58 +0000 OJS 3.2.1.1 http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss 60 Warmonger or Peacebuilder: Coverage of Taliban Militancy in the Pakistani Press http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1407 <p><em>This study examines the role of national media, particularly the leading Urdu- and English-language press of Pakistan, under the theoretical perspectives of ‘war journalism or peace journalism’ in the transformation of the intra-state conflict, the Taliban conflict, in Pakistan. Unlike previous studies conducted on the Taliban, the present investigation, besides examining the agenda-setting and framing roles of the leading press in this intra-state conflict through content analysis, also investigated the structural constraints by employing focus group discussions with journalists who reported this conflict. A content analysis of 832 news stories, published in 481 editions by daily Jang and daily Dawn, indicates that the leading press of Pakistan gave significant coverage to the issue on the front and back pages. Nevertheless, it was dominated by war journalism frames. The focus group discussions revealed that journalists perceived the role of national media as warmonger than peacebuilders and inclined more to war journalism than peace journalism. They identified limited media autonomy, lack of training, absence of official media policy, and the government’s indifferent attitude towards the conflict in the initial stages as some of the major structural constraints in doing peace journalism during the coverage of the Taliban conflict.</em></p> Bakht Rawan Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1407 Sun, 27 Oct 2024 00:00:00 +0000 A Transient Life Behind the Mended Cloth Walls: The Khanabadosh of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1408 <p><em>The purpose of this study is to delineate different factors associated with the spatial mobility of the khanabadosh<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1"><strong>[1]</strong></a> community located in Changaryano Daag in the fringes of Hathian Bazzar, District Mardan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. Empirical data for this micro-focused ethnographic research was collected through participant observation, key informants, in-depth interviews, and focus group discussions. Khanabadosh, under study, is going through a transitional period of spatial mobility towards permanent settlement, which reflects the evolution of the given society from a mobile to a settled mode of life. Hence, through time some of them are permanently settled so far. The findings of the study show that there were multifaceted factors that pushed them to move from one place to another. Those factors include socio-economic, seasonal conditions, delinquency, illiteracy, and the issue of national identity cards. </em></p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p><a href="#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">[1]</a> The word <em>khanabadosh</em> is derived from the Persian language, which is the composite of two words: khana, which means home, and dosh, which means shoulder. Literally, it means the people who carry their “houses on their shoulders” or “with houses on their back.” They are the people who do not have permanent places for houses, move from one place to another in search of life’s necessities and do not have permanent dwellings (Angelillo, 2013; Ali, 2019).</p> Liaqat Ali, Mohammad Taieb Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1408 Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000 Social Acceptance of Folk Artists: Conceptualizing Hegemonic Masculinity in the Pashtun Culture http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1409 <p><em>This study showcases the prevailing Pashtun norms in society regarding the social acceptance of Pashtun folk artists. It also examines the pressure of social hegemonic masculinity on Pashtun folk artists’ personal and professional lives. The research approach was qualitative, in which ten professional folk musicians, specifically drummers (called tabla nawaz in Urdu), were selected through purposive sampling from Islamabad Bazar (commonly known as Chitrali Bazar) and Kabari Bazar in Peshawar city. Connell’s (1995) framework on masculinity is used to analyze Pashtun’s hegemonic masculinity and its influence on folk artists. The study findings indicate that in contemporary Pashtun society, folk art and artists are discouraged on both theoretical and practical levels. Theoretical discouragement manifests in the lack of granting them their deserved cultural position, while practical discouragement is evident in the absence of protection for their rights as artists. The rise of radicalization and conservative interpretations of the Pashtunwali has restricted the presence of folk artists in public. Consequently, folk artists, in general, and folk musicians and instrumentalists were ridiculed, alienated, and subjected to derogatory language because their profession was perceived as effeminate. These attitudes caused a decline in the number of musicians, which led to the loss of the positive influence of art in society. It was concluded that societal views place the category of tabla nawaz at the lowest hierarchical level in both social stratification and levels of masculinity.</em></p> Iftikhar Muhammad, Aisha Alam Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1409 Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000 Bhutto’s Political Strategies: A Challenge to the Prospects of Leftist Politics in Sindh http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1418 <p><em>Former Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, a prominent figure in Pakistani politics and the founder of the Pakistan Peoples’ Party (PPP), introduced a unique blend of socialism, Islam, democracy, and nationalism in his electoral campaigns during the late 1960s. He progressively succeeded in instrumentalizing nationalist rhetoric, ethno-national politics, and social and economic policies to reach the corridors of power. Bhutto’s political narrative and program policies absorbed the Leftist narrative and effectively hampered the prospects of radical movements in Sindh. On the other hand, the Left-wing political forces found themselves in a state of decline, unable to withstand the political power of Bhutto’s government. Consequently, Leftist groups in Sindh were increasingly losing their battleground and never posed a serious threat to Bhutto’s dominance. This research investigates the factors that contributed to Bhutto’s successful weakening of Leftist politics in Sindh. This paper explores Bhutto’s journey to power and the intelligent, diplomatic strategies to diminish the political influence of the Left in Sindh.</em></p> Amjid Ali Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1418 Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000 Consumers’ Willingness to Pay for Biodegradable Shopping Bags http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1411 <p><em>Plastic pollution has become a challenging issue worldwide, causing adverse impacts on the environment and ecosystem. Single-use plastic shopping bags and bottles are the main reasons behind plastic litter. These non-degradable bags create market externalities that can be internalized through different techniques. This study estimates the users’ willingness to pay for biodegradable bags using the contingent valuation method. Data from 360 respondents were collected in a market survey through a designed questionnaire. Three market areas of Peshawar city were selected, which many consumers visit daily. Willingness to pay depends on the demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of the consumers. The Tobit model with marginal analysis yields significant results. The results show that the marginal change in the willingness to pay of an individual decreases with the increase in income. The marginal Willingness to Pay remains the same for respondents of all education categories. There is a downward trend in marginal willingness to pay when the family size of the respondent increases. 38% of the respondents were not using degradable bags. 35 percent strongly agreed on an awareness campaign. The study recommends that there should be a subsidized price on each good quality biodegradable cotton bag in shopping zones.</em></p> Muhammad Sohail Khattak, Muhammad Rafiq, Naeem ur Rehman Khattak, Imran Ullah Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1411 Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000 Countering Violent Extremism by Christian Community: A Case of Yuhanabad Mob Violence http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1412 <p><em>The aim of this study is to evaluate the mob violence and killings of Christians in Yuhanabad, Lahore, in the context of religious intolerance based on the blasphemy allegations resulting in suicide attacks. This article explains the crisis state by looking at Christian victimization. The purpose of this study is to decipher the type of mob violence in Yuhanabad. This categorization is based on the liability system and the organizational level. Within that framework, three theoretical viewpoints are examined. First, a thick-and-thin view of religion is needed to understand the rising radicalization and the resulting attacks on minority Christians. Second, the deliberate targeting of Christians and ensuing sectarian strife through the well-planned framework of violence and oppression. Third, the deliberate process of scapegoating demonstrates the plurality in-and-out group discourse leading to the castigation of, and persecution of, minority Christians. The study attempts to comprehend the sociological concept of mob violence as a marginalizing mechanism, which was examined at Yuhanabad. In this study, lynching by mobs is interpreted as a process of marginalizing Christians.</em></p> Tehmina Aslam, Ashfaq U. Rehman, Muhammad Asad Aslam Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1412 Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000 Usage of Matrimonial Groups on Facebook: A Case of Pakistan http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1413 <p><em>Marriage is a significant part of any cultured society. The technological evolutions of social media have increased the popularity of online matrimonial services. The current research aims to investigate the effectiveness of matrimonial groups among youth using Facebook. For this purpose, the data for this study was collected from three Facebook matrimonial groups through an online survey method. The study design is quantitative, and the sample size is 367 youth members between 20 and 29. Descriptive statistics were applied to determine the effectiveness of matrimonial groups among youth. The study results determined that these matrimonial groups actively help registered members find a life partner. Users are satisfied with the matrimonial services as these groups provide real-time interaction, are reliable, ensure confidentiality, and are easy to navigate. Of the 367 participants, 256 agreed they would get their life partner through these matrimonial groups. These results evidence that user satisfaction positively correlated with the effectiveness of matrimonial services. Therefore, it is recommended that matrimonial groups should improve search optimization tools, payment options against services, and quick responses to the query. This is the only research that explores the effectiveness of online matrimonial services. Future research can be conducted with different research designs and a bigger population for deeper insights.</em></p> Zoya Gillani, Anjum Zia, Rozeena Shaukat Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1413 Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000 Gender, Power, and the Politics of the ‘Hijab’ in Hijabistan http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1414 <p><em>This study aims to analyze how patriarchy, like gender, is socially constructed through the perpetuation of patriarchal ideals. Using Sabyn Javeri’s short story collection Hijabistan (2019), this research explores how patriarchal institutions like family, clergy, and culture instill patriarchal values in the minds of the people. The analysis also includes how the concept of ‘hijab’ is depicted as a symbol of societal norms and expectations that not only segregate genders but also limit their agency. Through content analysis and textual interpretations based on the theoretical frameworks from Kate Millett’s Sexual Politics (1970) and Judith Butler’s Gender Trouble (1990) the study tries to explore how patriarchy and gender performativity is used for gaining and sustaining power dynamics at home and in society. The research finds that ‘hijab is one of the most powerful tool patriarchy uses to subjugate women however, the study also finds that Javeri has shown the sparks of resistance among females through her protagonists in the stories. The characters are shown opposing this concept of ‘hijab’ as a symbol of their servitude. This research aims to contribute to the understanding of how radical feminist discourses interact with sociocultural and religious beliefs in Pakistan, highlighting the implications for family structures, social norms, and individual well-being.</em></p> Noreen Shah, Samina Ashfaque Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1414 Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000 Profile of Tehreek-e-Nafaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi’s Combatants in Post-9/11 Afghanistan: A Socio-Demographic http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1415 <p><em>This study examines the profiles of combatants who participated in the post-9/11 Afghan ‘jihad’ from Dir, Pakistan and explores the associated psychological and economic conditions affecting their families. Using a qualitative approach, data were collected through unstructured interviews and analyzed thematically. The research includes detailed tables profiling combatants based on age, education, sect affiliation, and family structure. Key findings reveal that a majority of combatants were illiterate, unemployed, and affiliated with the Deobandi sect. The study also highlights that most combatants’ families remain uncertain about their loved ones’ status, leading to unresolved grief and psychological distress. Additionally, the research provides insights into the economic hardships faced by the families, such as high unemployment rates and large family sizes. This comprehensive profiling of combatants, coupled with the examination of family conditions, offers valuable insights into the socio-economic and psychological dimensions of the post-9/11 Afghan Jihad’s impact on the local population.</em></p> Tariq Amin, Noor Ul Amin Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1415 Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000 U.S.-China Strategic Competition: Conventional Deterrence & the Changing Face of Modern Warfare http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1416 <p><em>This paper explores the future prospects of conventional deterrence in the context of the United States and China’s rapidly advancing military technology, focusing on artificial intelligence (AI). As global technological advancements accelerate, modern warfare is increasingly characterized by deploying sophisticated tools such as AI, transforming military capabilities across multiple domains. Technologies like AI, demonstrated by long-operating Mars rovers like Spirit and Opportunity, showcase machines growing abilities to learn, plan, and make decisions autonomously, paralleling human intelligence. The study adopts critical analysis to describe the dynamics of modern warfare between the US and China. AI’s integration into military operations raises questions concerning national security, command structures, and global stability. Yet, the strategic competition between the US and China shapes conventional deterrence in multifaceted spheres. Recent conflicts, such as the ongoing war between Ukraine and Russia, underscore the profound impact of AI-driven tools, including drones, satellites, and cyber technologies, on contemporary military strategy. By examining these developments, this paper aims to highlight the implications of AI and emerging technologies for conventional deterrence strategies, providing insights into the evolving contours of security and power in the 21st century.</em></p> Rubina Waseem, Tasleem Malik Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1416 Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000 Constructing Social Reality: A Discourse Analysis of TTP’s Text on Social Media http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1417 <p><em>The Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) has used the Internet and online media forums to propagate their messages and to advance their agendas. TTP, Like Al-Qaeda and the Afghan Taliban, has used online platforms to propagate its messages and secure public support for its organization. This study investigates how TTP as an organization constructs its social reality through online blogs and defines the ‘Self’ and the ‘Other.’ I have used </em><em>Laclau &amp; Mouffe’s (1985)</em><em> Discourse Theory to analyze the TTP’s text posted on the blog site </em><a href="http://www.umarmedia.wordpress.com"><em>www.umarmedia.wordpress.com</em></a><em>. The article analyzes blogs posted in October 2014, December 2014, and June 2015, a significant moment in time when Pakistan launched its military offensive “Zarb-e-Azb” in Pakistan’s Northwestern Pashtun regions. The analysis reveals the strategies used by the TTP in constructing its social reality and articulating the identities of the ‘Self’ and the ‘Other.’ The TTP’s discourse articulates the Pakistan Army as the ‘Near’ enemy, an extension of the Western ‘Far’ enemy, which has waged a full-scale war on the tribal Muslims. The TTP constructs the social reality of Muslims facing existential and cultural threats at the hands of the enemy. Moreover, the narrative of victimhood not only prompts the TTP’s cause for revenge but also justifies violence to survive against the enemy, which is both powerful and ruthless. Analyzing the TTP’s text with context is important for understanding the militant’s worldview and building counter-narratives. Moreover, it can be productive for predicting the trajectory of militant communication, which Pakistan and its allies can use to their strategic benefit. </em></p> Pervez Khan Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 http://ojs.uop.edu.pk/jhss/article/view/1417 Mon, 02 Dec 2024 00:00:00 +0000